Introduction and Letter of Transmittal on Taco Bell Case Study Essay

Introduction and Letter of Transmittal on Taco Bell Case Study - Essay Example om their governmental agencies arguing that their grocery store might have been selling the brand containing a corn ingredient which is harmful to the public (Hall and Viola, 2003). The report targeted Taco shells, which the brand name of the Taco Bell and distrusted by the Kraft Food industry, the media as well as other consumer’s reactions proved the damage of the Taco Bell reputation. This made the Taco Corporation to face the crisis of destroying brand reputation due to selling of tinted food known as Cry9c, which is harmful to human consumption. The public hold the perception that the company was selling the same product in their restaurant. However, Taco Bell has nothing to do with the manufacturing of the genetically modified corn but it is licensed under the company’s brand name known s Taco shells. Although Kraft already recalls that the food was announced to be having side effects to the consumers, they still distribute and sell it using Taco’s brand na me. Therefore, Taco bell should take action through communicating effectively about the crisis management. They should communicate in order for the corporate to maintain food safety standards and regulations in the restaurants; thus maintaining brand reputation. In compliance with the Kraft Food Industry, the company should make effective communication in order to come up with the conclusion of payment owing that the Taco Bell is undergoing a severe threat of the brand reputation. This is because the company would be interfered especially on revenues that may decrease. This is due to brand reputation; thus, the agreement should be made on transfer of funds. The main purpose of the letter is to inform Taco Bell Company to communicate effectively with Kraft Food Industry and solve the problem the company is facing. Taco Bell Company should also formulate and make the follow-ups of a comprehensive and effective action plan in order to address the issue of food safety. This is essential because it will

Evaluate Bribery in the context of International Strategic Marketing Essay - 1

Evaluate Bribery in the context of International Strategic Marketing - Essay Example in -- in other words, to "do as the Romans do." When a corporate official is faced with real situations abroad, this advice can give rise to conflicts and ambiguity, when actual situations require responses which are incompatible with the ethical norms in the home country. Payment of a tip to a government official or employee in the home country intended to facilitate licensing can be considered bribery, and therefore subject to legal consequences, at home; however, in a foreign country it may be a standard operating procedure that can facilitate and expedite action. The cost of refusing to comform to local practice can be result in significant losses which are disproportionate in relation to the small amount of "bribe" money. The international marketer can face a difficult dilemma when he has to respond to situations where there is no local law, where local practices forgive a certain behavior, or the companywilling to â€Å" do what is necessary† is favored over the company that refuses to engage in practices that are not ethical. The issue of bribery and corruption is not extensively covered in international or global marketing textbooks. The subject is often located under the rubric of legal environment (subtopic: ethics and regulations); cultural environment, (as in Hill 2005; Verna and Sarathy 1993). Or it is discussed as part of international promotions (Verna and Sarathy). For the most part the subject presents the the relevant US statute (FCPA) and analyzes its features and implications for the business person and marketer. A more comprehensive treatment, including its history and philosophical basis is found in textbooks dealing with the business environment (such as Baron 1997) and legal environment (such as Jennings 1997). This study will deal with the issue of bribery from the Western viewpoint, particularly that of the United States, being the first country to enact a law prohibiting its practice by its companies abroad. The Foreign Corrupt

Representations of Women in Early Irish and Welsh Literature Essay Example for Free

Representations of Women in Early Irish and Welsh Literature Essay Although there are parallels between Irish and Welsh sagas of elopement, the powerful self confident women depicted in these narratives do not represent the real women of Medieval Ireland and Wales. Proinsias Mac Cana has suggested that the dominant roles of Deirdre and Grainne in their respective tales (Longes mac nUislenn and Toruigheacht Dhiarmada agus Ghrainne) are ‘literary variations on the exemplar of the sovereignty goddess’ (Doan, 1985: 90). Bitel (1996: 2) asserts that Celticists have been seduced by these dominant female characters viewing them as representative of real women with considerable power over men, a depiction which if true should be reflected in the law tracts or ‘custom in action’(Stacey, 2002: 1107). This paper will argue that the ecclesiastical and legal tracts of both Ireland and Wales offer many images of women, judgements about women, and regulations for women. They do not however present the stereotypical medieval woman as the sovereignty goddess depicted in the secular sagas. Because women left no written records, we are dependent on male literature (probably all of the texts written in early Ireland and Wales) for a definition of woman and her cultural role. These male authors wrote of women in: ‘saint’s lives; poems; sagas and myths; gnomic texts; histories; chronicles; genealogies; folktales; theological tracts; and extensive ecclesiastical tracts; and secular laws’ (Bitel, 1996: 12). Although these texts offer insights on women they must be viewed through the hermeneutical lens of the socio-historical context of the era in which they were written. Early medieval Ireland was a patriarchal society and a woman’s role and identity was determined by patriarchal norms and conventions. The literati of this era did not define woman as an independent individual. Women existed only in relation to men and therefore their representation in literature was not entirely objective or according to Bitel consistent. Tensions exist between various texts. The portrayal of women as ‘capricious beasts’ (Bitel, 1995:137) presented in the eighth century wisdom text Tecosca Cormaic contrasts sharply with the recognition of a woman as home-maker and wife with limited recourse to the law depicted in Cain Lanamna or the law of couples (O Croinin, 1995: 127) . The majority of the extant Irish law books were composed between the seventh and ninth centuries. At this stage the Irish literati were members of the nobility educated in monastic communities. Many were monks but this elite group also included jurists, historians, poets and story tellers. Mc Cone has suggested that these learned elite produced literature for the monastery which was heavily influenced by Biblical texts (Bitel, 1996: 14). Donnchadh O Corrain, Liam Breatnach and Aidan Breen have argued that there exists a close connection between ecclesiastical law and Irish vernacular law (Stacey, 2002: 1108). Stacey asserts that although the legal sources from Wales (compiled in the twelfth and thirteen centuries) are later than the Irish sources there is also a significant link between ‘legal, poetic and ecclesiastical learning’ (2002: 1108). The Irish penitential books written between the sixth and the ninth centuries reveal conflict between the ideals of Christian leaders and the customs of early Irish communities. These penitentials were designed as moral guides for confessors in attributing penance in the rite of confession (Gula, 1989: 25). According to Bitel, Christian clergy were intent on transferring social control of sex from the kin group to the individual Christian (1987: 67). Fox concurs with Bitel, asserting that by liberating the individual from the bonds of clan and family, the church was attempting to reduce kinship to ‘its lowest common denominator [the nuclear family: the lowest kinship group that is compatible with reproduction] while appearing to support basic kinship values’ (1993: 109-110). The Clergy in promoting Christian morality for the individual attempted to reorganize Early Irish society. According to Bitel, the kin group were influential in controlling sexual activity. This was necessary to ensure the survival of the community as an interdependent group. Archaeological evidence suggests that houses consisted of one room. This allowed for little individual privacy and sex was a natural and visible part of family life. Illicit encounters had to take place outside of the home, and even then they were monitored by the community. Any kind of sexual relationship that had to be conducted in secrecy was considered dangerous. The survival and welfare of the clan depended on social stability and this principle determined the attitude of the pre-Christian Irish toward sexuality. Sex in itself however was not considered immoral. Celibacy was not portrayed as a virtue in the secular literature. Cu Chulainn’s sexual exploits are recorded in the sagas; however his casual encounters did not threaten the community (Bitel, 1987: 70-71). Bitel asserts that ‘the tension between individual desire and community need had always to be resolved in favour of the community’ (1987: 72), and herefore marriage was a contractual arrangement determined not by romance or love but by the necessity of producing children and the survival of the kin group. Woman’s reproductive capacities themselves are integrated into the economic life of the society. The image of woman depicted in Cain Lanamna is a woman whose social emotional and economic orientation is directed towards the family and home. Early Irish Law, commonly known as Brehon Law was a series of civil laws which governed every aspect of daily life including marriage and divorce. Marriage and divorce were interlinked by virtue of a contract agreed and a contract dissolved. Under the Brehon system, women were free to marry in one of nine ways, although the primary type of marriage, lanamnas comthinchuir was the most common. Both partners enter this marriage with equal financial resources. In the second type of marriage, lanamnas for ferthinchur, the woman contributes little or no financial assets to the marriage. In the third category, lanamnas for bantinchur, the woman contributes the greater share of the marriage assets. These three categories required formal pre-nuptial agreements. With the remaining six types of marital union (including cohabitation with a woman with family consent, voluntary eloping without family consent, voluntary abduction without family consent, illicit rendezvous, marriage by rape and marriage of two insane people) marriage entailed the assumption of financial responsibility for child rearing (O Croinin, 1995: 128). Corresponding to the wide variety of marriages recognized by law, there were many grounds for divorce. A woman might divorce a man who failed to satisfy her sexual needs because he was sterile, impotent, bisexual or homosexual. In this instance she was entitled to be paid her coibche in addition to a fine in compensation. A woman could divorce her husband on the grounds of indiscretion should he discuss intimate details of their marriage outside of the home. A woman could also divorce her husband should he abandon her either for the church or for a life on the road as he would no longer be in a position to maintain her. Physical abuse was also considered legitimate grounds for divorce. Even if the original blemish disappeared, a woman was entitled to the equivalent of her bride price as compensation. The laws are quite clear about the validity of female testimony in matters concerning consummation of marriage. This testimony is verified by a physical examination of the woman by female dignitaries. In a case where a woman refuses her husband his conjugal rights either because of a problem pregnancy or her menstrual cycle, the law regarded her objections as valid. A woman could also choose to divorce on grounds of infidelity although extra marital relations were recognized by law (O Croinin, 1995: 129). O Croinin suggests that in general terms many women were recognized by the law in ‘their capacity as wives and in their own right as individuals’ (1995: 133) Law texts are clear that a woman’s rights in divorce are specific to each type of marriage and related marriage contract. Lanamnas Comthinchuir was regarded as the most common type of marriage at this time. It was a dignified state for the wife, she was known as a be cuitchernsa, literally ‘a woman of joint dominion, a woman of equal lordship’ (O Croinin. 1995: 128). If this category of marriage ended in divorce, the woman received what she had initially contributed to the marriage in addition to a share of the profit accrued from the couple’s joint activities during the marriage period. O Croinin records that the division of property was in accordance with fixed proportions: ‘one third went to the partner who provided the land; one third to the partner who provided the stock; and one third to the partner who provided the labour’ (1995: 128). This last provision recognized the woman’s work in the home and on the farm. The second type of marriage lanamnas for ferthinchur represented a different kind of divorce settlement. Since the woman provided neither land nor stock, she was entitled to half of her own handiwork and one sixth of the dairy produce in store. If she had worked diligently on the farm and in the home she took one ninth of the corn and cured meat in store. She also received a sack of corn for a specified time. Divorce in the third category of marriage, lanamnas for bantinchur, ensured that the woman retained a life interest in the farm. She could not however transfer any rights to the estate to her children. She could however marry one of the heirs to the property and preserve her children’s right to inherit. Although the Irish lawyers appealed to Scripture, particularly to Leviticus to justify parallel cousin marriages, church law declared parallel cousin marriages incestuous (O Corrain, 1985). The Welsh tractate ‘the laws of women’ contains rules governing marriage and division of property in medieval Wales. There are four redactions of Welsh law manuscripts: the Cyfnerth and the Blegywryd redactions both derive from south Wales; Iorwerth is classed as a north Wales redaction; and finally the Latin manuscripts (there are similarities between the Latin laws and the Welsh redactions). Although the sources from Wales are dated to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, women in the Welsh tractate like women in Cain Lanamna are portrayed as wives and home-makers (Roberts, 2008: 58-59). Stacey asserts that the most ‘striking’ passage of the ‘Laws of Women’ outlines the domestic and agricultural goods granted to each partner in cases where the marriage had lasted longer than seven years (2002: 1109). This passage is common to each of the Welsh redactions of the law books and can also be found in four of the five Latin compilations. The couple must divide their possessions equally, the pigs become the property of the man and the woman takes ownership of the sheep. If there are only sheep and goats, the sheep go to the man and the goats to the woman. The children are also divided between the couple ‘two parts go to the father, the eldest and the youngest, and the middle to the mother’ (Stacey, 2002: 1111). The division of household goods is itemised: all milk vessels, except for one pail and one dish becomes the property of the woman. The man is entitled to all of the drinking vessels and the riddle while the woman is entitled to the sieve. The man is entitled to the upper stone of the quern and the woman to the lower stone. The bed clothes which cover the couple becomes the property of the woman while the clothes which they lay on belong to the man. The man receives the cauldron and the blanket and the pillows from the bed together with the wood axe, coulter and all the sickles except for one which the woman obtains. The woman is granted the pan, the broad axe, the bill hook and all of the flax, linseed and wool. She also receives the plowshare. Any gold or silver is divided equally between the couple. The man is entitled to the corn above and below the ground, all of the hens and one cat. The remaining cats become the property of the woman. The woman receives the salted meat but if it is hung it becomes the property of the man. The woman is also granted as much flour as she can carry along with the cut meat and the partly used cheese. They each retain their own clothes except for their cloaks which must be divided equally. Any balls of wool in stock become the property of the sons (Stacey, 2002: 1111). Like Irish Marriage Law, the Welsh Laws of Women attempted to secure a measure of financial independence for each partner in the event of divorce . Unlike Irish marriage law however which divided property according to specific marriage contracts, some rovisions in the Welsh divorce law appear illogical. Jenkins suggests that the Welsh division of property on divorce, attempts to ensure that each partner has the necessary provisions to survive but he asserts that the division of the quern stones is ‘curious’ since they cannot be used independently (Stacey, 2002: 1111). Similarly the coulter is granted to the man while the plowshare is received by the woman. Since both blades would have been required for planting this division appears to make little logical or practical sense. Stacey also points out that the man receives all of the corn and hens but only one cat to protect them from vermin while the woman receives the remaining cats although she has no grain or hens to protect (Stacey, 2002: 1113-1116). Welsh divorce law does not seem to be based on the wealth brought to the marriage by each party or indeed on the status of the marriage. In Irish Law the apportionment of property is determined by both of these factors (Stacey, 2002: 1113). Stacey suggests that the division of property in a Welsh divorce is symbolic of the destructiveness of divorce and failed marriage. He asserts that this was a secular ‘homily’ on the improvident nature of divorce (2002: 1124). Although the marriage property is divided the woman ultimately is disadvantaged because under Welsh Law, she has no claim to land and must be satisfied with portable goods. Although women under Welsh law were afforded the opportunity to divorce their husbands due to his impotency, leprosy or bad breath (Roberts, 2008: 63), Nerys Patterson suggests that the woman was further disadvantaged in the wake of marital separation: female virginity was highly valued and her loss of virginity would affect her chances of remarriage (2002: 1121). These medieval divorce laws clearly situate the woman in the home, rearing children, cooking, spinning wool and working on the farm. It is tempting to view these laws as depictions of a progressive egalitarian society, however the political and social realities of a woman’s life suggest otherwise. A woman’s legal definition derived from that of her father, brother or her legal husband. A legal tract on honour price (dire) defined women’s legal and social position ‘her father had charge over her when she is a girl, her husband when she is a wife, her sons when she is a [widowed] woman with children . . the Church when she is a woman of the Church [i. e. , a nun]. She is not capable of sale or purchase or contract or transaction without the authorization of one of her superiors’ (Bitel, 1996: 8). According to Bitel, these legally and socially incapacitated women were the real Medbs of medieval Ireland. When measuring a woman’s status, the laws measured women against the legal norm of the free adult male and as such a woman’s worth remained only half that of her male guardians honour price. The Irish literati along with many medieval authors considered female bodies as ‘less valuable copies of mens’ (Bitel, 1996: 19). This principle is reflected in the only extant Irish medico-legal tracts namely Bretha Crolige and Bretha Dein Checht which accorded women less medical attention and food rations than men (Bitel, 1996: 21). Women therefore were considered physically and psychologically less than man, less than human (Bitel, 1996: 23). The ninth century Triads text, Trecheng Breth Fene unveiled some basic assumptions about the nature of woman. The Triads suggested that ‘the three drops of a wedded woman’ were drops of blood (a good wife was a virgin at marriage); sweat; and tears (a good wife should be willing to suffer hardship to support her husband and children). One of the three misfortunes of a man was proposing marriage to a bad woman. According to the Triads, women were their husband’s property and were akin to animals. ‘When a man loaned either a woman or a horse, he had to expect it to be used by the borrower’ (Bitel, 1996: 23). The wisdom text also suggested that ‘like a cow’s udder, women through her womb, was one of the three renovators of the world’ (Bitel, 1996: 24). Another wisdom text Tecosca Cormaic suggested that women ‘should be feared like beasts’ because they were ‘capricious beasts’ (Bitel, 1996: 24). A woman’s physical characteristics and fertility therefore were animal like and unreliable. The eighth or ninth-century wisdom text Senbriathra Fithail considered the characteristics of ‘a good wife’ (Bitel, 1996: 27). Advising his pupil Cormac mac Airt, Fithal (a druid) asserted that a good woman had ‘common sense, prudence, modesty, excellent Irish, delicacy, mildness, honesty, wisdom, purity and intelligence’ (Bitel, 1996: 28). All of these attributes according to Fithal were necessary for a woman to become a desirable wife. A bad wife on the other hand was characterised by ‘wretchedness, stinginess, vanity, talkativeness, laziness, indolence, noisiness, hatefulness avarice, visiting, thieving, keeping trysts, lustfulness, folly and treachery’ (Bitel, 1996: 28). Fithal asserted that it was possible to detect a woman’s character based on her physical appearance. He suggested that Cormac should avoid: ‘the fat short one’; ‘the slender short one with curling hair’; the fair tall one’; ‘the dark-limbed, unmanageable one’; ‘the dun coloured yellow one’; and ‘the slender prolific one who was lewd and jealous’ (Bitel, 1996: 28). Fithal determined that the worst wife was a be cairn or a whore. A successful marriage however could be assured by a union with the ‘tall, fair, very slender ones’ (Bitel, 1996: 28). Fithal admitted to Cormac however that the ideal woman may not exist and that most women had character flaws. The author of Tecosca Cormaic was adamant that all women were ‘chronically dissatisfied, bad tempered, untrustworthy, wanton, manipulative, ambitious, greedy, arrogant whiners’ (Bitel, 1996: 29). Bitel suggests that the real problem with women is that they were not men and the writers of the gnomic tracts could only define them by their many indefinable natures: they had similar physical bodies to men but were not men; they had reproductive characteristics and temperaments similar to animals but were not animals. The only certainty appeared to be was that women must be controlled and her inferior position in society maintained (Bitel, 1996: 30). The writers of ecclesiastical canons suggested that women could only be redeemed by denying their female characteristics and their female sexuality. Bitel argues that canonists established a ‘gender hierarchy’ (Bitel, 1996: 32). Unlike the typologies found in secular and wisdom texts, the cannon scribes attributed a moral value to virginity and abstinence. Nuns were accorded a high moral value as were ‘widows who took the veil’ (Bitel, 1996: 32). Thomas O’ Loughlin suggests that the Collectio canonum hibernesis, a systematic collection of law, codified certain patristic theories producing an understanding of marriage ‘as a state secondary to virginity’ (1997: 188). The canonists justify their position by quoting Jerome who asserts that ‘virginity follows the lamb wherever he goes’ (O’Loughlin, 1997: 192). Jerome expands on this theme suggesting that ‘earth is populated by marriage, so heaven is by virginity’ (O’Loughlin, 1997: 192). The underlying concept is clear, virginity is exemplified and sexuality creates problems. According to O’Loughlin this principle was the basis of ecclesiastical thinking on marriage throughout the middle ages and Jerome’s opinion that sexual activity was ‘inferior and earthy’ in comparison to virginity which was ‘noble and superior’ has been held responsible for the cult of virginity and celibacy in the Latin church (O’Loughlin, 1997: 193). Augustine also considered sexuality dangerous but (quoting Paul in 1 Corinthians 7) asserted that while celibacy was the desired state, ‘lawful marriage is to be preferred to burning with desire and fornication’ (O’Loughlin, 1997: 193). The dangers of sexuality therefore were to be contained within the institution of marriage. Although canonists admitted that clerics could fall to sexual temptation, the general consensus was that women as the weaker sex were more likely to succumb to sexual temptation.

The Effects Of Electronic Waste Management Environmental Sciences Essay

The Effects Of Electronic Waste Management Environmental Sciences Essay Electronic waste known as E-waste is one of the growing and emerging problem in this world. E-waste consists of many components as toxic substances which have adverse affects on human health and environment if not properly handled. Developing countries have several dumping of e-waste that assumes the importance of management. This concise paper provides EPR legislation to reduce the hazards of E-waste, managing the concerning problems, recycling operations and NGOs participation to combat it. It also focuses on the emerging issues and their strategic solutions. Introduction Waste of electrical and electronic material was considered as cost factor in past. Easiest and cheapest way of disposal was selected to put at the nearest distance. At national level the practices of disposal are not allowed in many courtiers. Waste of the municipal solid consists in electronic and electrical equipments. Waste management has been developed for the all institutions involved in the end of life management of electronic management. Waste of electronics and electrical equipments increases the mass of the toxic inputs into local waste streams. If the volume of the E-waste exceeds to that of processed in manufacturing of products from the mining operations, then no matter it will be an ore located on the globe. On the one hands this E-waste is used as raw material to shape new products while on the other hand it has very harmful potential impacts on the ecosystem. An analyst looks the end of life processes as well as the chain values that are sorting, logistics and collecti on strategies. Many strategies were taken in hands for the treatments of this E-waste like incineration and landfill. Previously the reuse, recycling and remanufacturing of the E-waste is strongly recommended to reduce the volume of these E-waste. Recycling is also emphasized that is linked with the improper disposal of materials. The loop of the industrial waste can be closed by recycling of these waste materials as to sustain the economy of that particular industry. In industrialized countries recycling has become a common practice in the end of life processes. Recycling strategies also differ in yielding the standard quality products. Several features are taken into account to recycle the E-waste for useful purposes. An important feature of recycling process is to handle the situations arising during processes as handling of hazards materials, safety and health care of workers, rates of recycling and levels of recycled material. It is observed that a long scale progress of recycl ing of E-waste is achieved in industrialized countries like U.S, Asia and Europe. Extended producer responsibility is a main policy to tackle this kind of issue. EPR plays main role for the producers to incorporate the end of life facets to design new products. It is important to provide the necessary incentives to all those involved in making the regulatory policies. This can be supported by the study of two Norwegian scientists those who revealed the crucial role of regulatory policies. They put the facts of their survey and survey participants answered that main green technological changes occur from the environmental regulations in EU. Fig 1: Showing the main driving forces for green technology changes EPR feasibility has been shown in Asia and Europe. At earlier stages of infancy in last decade E-waste started in Switzerland in 1992 and it became widespread in other countries due to pressure of environmental authorities. Environmental Effects of E-waste E-waste has many toxic substances which are dangerous at high level if not handled properly. Why are these risks and dangers produced? These are the concerning issues and need the attention of analysts and industrialists to minimize the dangers. On the industrialist end the equipments and feasible machinery is not provided to workers at workplace. There are concerns of workers that their analysts do not guide them in proper way to recycle the E-waste and complete the disposal processes. Serious repercussions arise due to proximity to those places where E-waste materials are recycled or burnt. Grey goods have very toxic chemicals as compared to white and brown goods. For example a computer has very toxic chemicals like mercury, beryllium, cadmium, PVC and Phosphorous compounds. Central nervous system, Reproductive system and Urinary system are badly affected by the lead absorption in human body. Mercury also affects the CNS, Reproductive system and Urinary system of humans. If it is m ixed in water used for living animals and on transportation of the water into water living animals can become the cause of death of those animals. Cadmium and Poly cyclic aromatic hydrocarbons affect the human body organs specially kidneys, lungs, skin and bladder respectively. E-waste has caused serious consequences to environment and human health. For example location near to recycling and burnt places of e-waste has many components of e-waste which directly affect the living of that area. When recycling plants are installed near rivers, it is found that river water is contaminated by the e-waste components and water livings are badly harmed by these e-waste materials. Extended Producer Responsibility EPR is a new tool of market and focuses on the background and responsibility of the producer. WEEE recycling regulation after the necessary analysis and evaluation of EPR with new approaches is provided. Question arise that why we need the regulatory action. E-waste is a big challenge in 21st century. Initial study of industrial ecology reveals that cycle economy is the big source to make contribution to sustainable development of economy. The growth in new electronic products needs new large resources and E-waste is increasing the inputs into local stream flows. We address the two basic needs of the closing the material loops and treatment of the hazards materials. These features are addressed by applying the regulatory actions. An analysis of existing economic or market incentives is required in order to come to a conclusion where regulations necessary and where market forces already achieve favorable results (Costanza et al. 1997). As the growth rate of the new products increase we require to recycle the E-waste with the same extent as shown in the figure. Volume of E-waste New Product Fig 2: Showing the proportionality between Volume of E-waste and New E products To answer the issues concerning the new product growth and recycling of E-waste EPR is new technology with better results in marketplace. à ¢Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬Ãƒâ€¦Ã¢â‚¬Å"An environmental protection strategy to reach an environmental objective of a decreased total environmental impact from a product, by making the manufacturer of the product responsible for the entire life-cycle of the product and especially for the take-back, recycling and final disposal of the product.à ¢Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬Ã‚  (Lindquist et al. 1990). EPR is considered as an approach to take the E-waste to industries for the purpose of re-engineering of the material to improve the mechanism of processes and products. Goals of the EPR: Major contribution of EPR is in environment and industrial zone. Hazardous materials are treated appropriately to reflect sound E-waste hazardous components to be disposed to provide the safety and health standards to workers. Closing of material loops is possible by recycling of E-waste which is base on the rate of recycling and material reapplication levels. The environment must meet the reward design including the avoidance of hazardous material and materials to be cycled optimized in general design. In economic goals it is ensured that fair allocation of burdens for the stakeholders and producers must count all the economic areas. Always keep in mind to avoid financial burdens which are not supporting the environmental cause. The EPR must be clear, transparent and feasible in controlling the monitoring of the systems. The EPR policies must be implemented in order to amend the incentives to create the favorable consequences for the system. We have studied the EPR importance to achieve the specified goals. Now we have to evaluate and make analysis of EPR policies. The evaluation process of EPR policies for the achievement of goals is dependent on both qualitative and quantitative analysis. It is observed that environmental effectiveness through the implementation of the regulatory policies does not yield required results until it is not controlled in a viable way. It is estimated that incentives to collect the E-waste and recycling is totally according to the EPR or take the alternative approaches to complete the process like collection and recycling. There are many practical problems which are related to EPR. For example it becomes difficult to allocate actual cost of recovery after a decade. Many products are so comprehensive for their disposal that increases the global market. The product is chan ged in many hands and it becomes difficult to decide that when and where the end of life stage is reached. It is not clear that who is responsible for the collection and recovery of the product when product is exported in other countries. What stands out most is that, even when practical problems are solved, doubts remain about the effectiveness of EPR in its current form because it mainly leads to global low-quality solutions. Alternatively, the application of high-level recovery in many cases reduces the eco-footprint through substitution. (Hischler, 2005). EPR in current form has many impacts on the E-waste flows and it has promoted many low level recycling processes. Therefore high rate of recovery for which a local industry is optimal is set to achieve in less budget. Industries following theses approaches may benefit their owners and countries where they are installed. Governments are the responsible to provide the legal and financial incentives to promote the business. It is now required to present the estimates of the production, recycled and import export. Region/country Production in million tons per year Land filling storage in million tons Recycling in million tons Export in million tons per/year Import in million tons per/year EU-25 7 1.5 3.43 1.9 USA 6.6 5.1 0.12 1.4 China 3.2 3.7 1.5 - 2.10 Japan 3.1 0.5 1.84 0.63 - West Africa 0.06 0.44 0.18 054 India 0.35 0.84 0.35 - 0.85 Total 20.31 12.08 5.85 3.76 3.49 Table 1: Global E-waste production, disposal, recycling and import/export estimates in 2005 This data in table tell us about the emerging powers of the world in industrial zone. Many other countries like Canada and South America continent are not included in it. In Europe alone the production is 7 million tons per year. China has made rapid progress in production as it equals its production to Japan. China is the second country in land filling after the USA and E-waste recycling is in largest volume in EU followed by Japan. All of above discussion finds the lack of the awareness of our citizens about E-waste and EPR. The E-waste management depends upon the active role of local or city governments and attitudes of the citizens. Producers, stakeholders and consumers also play role to shape the development. It will be very disappointing to keep the citizens away from the management deeds to take benefits of EPR policy. It hardly required involving the common people in process of recycling of electronic goods. Consumers must be informed about the goods by labeling the consumerà ¢Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¾Ã‚ ¢s requirements for those items. Consumers are educated to use only those products which utilize the modern emerging technologies. For example halogen free, lead free and from the authenticated retailers or manufacturers. Different training programs for the training of the citizen must be arranged to make them aware of the impacts of the E-waste and on their health and possible ways to minimize its haza rdous affects. Due to these training programs our consumers are able to purchase the environmental friendly products and maintain the environmental operational processes of the products via careful disposal. On the hand suppliers provide only those items to manufacturers which are containing the friendly components in materials. Manufacturers can reduce the impacts of their products by making a compatible design products, raw material choices and manufacturing and delivery processes. To get rd of free riders check and balance of system must be ensured. Economic Viability: The EPR policy has given us knowledge to boost up the economy of that particular manufacture ring company by recycling process of E-waste. It can be achieved by direct reuse of the E-waste. The processes of the parts cannibalization and remanufacturing do a lot for the owner of the company. Main advantage of these processes is shown as it recovers more value than just materials. The value of the discarded products is used when the equipments and parts are left mostly in their original forms. The price of the product includes the administrative labor and logistic charges. In this way 90% of the total original cost is recuperated. New labor is cheaper to the costs of the collecting, disassembling cleaning, repainting and controlling of E-waste material. However this remanufacturing process takes less work and yields high level recovery as compared to start new product from scratch. Remanufacturing can be as efficient as virgin production and assembly, if not better. Practice proves that even cheap (à ¢Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¡Ã‚ ¬15/piece) and somewhat complicated electrical motors can be refurbished and adapted for 50% of the new price (Comperen, 2006). Parts manufacturing with less work and high value, this condition is more advantageous. If other cost of disassembling is kept low then reuse is very profitable for many companies. Ecological Viability: The high level closed loop recovery is also environmental friendly as we have studied in our discussion. There is clear evidence from the studies mentioned that high-level closed-loop recovery is also more environmentally-friendly then most present practices as energy efficiency improves compared to virgin production (Krikke Zuidwijk, 2008; Hischler 2005). It is seen that process of remanufacturing reduces the much resource consumption. The main advantage of this process is that much of energy is saved that cut the amount of CO2 emissions. It is also observed that remanufacturing of goods requires only 15% energy as compare to manufacture new product from scratch. There are many environmental indicators as water use, land filling and CO2 emissions. As the number of the indicators increases it becomes difficult to handle the data and it creates serious concerns of closed loop supply chain for management and others. In this paper we have discussed the E-waste materials and its hazardous effects on human. The impacts of the regulatory policies on economic and environmental are significant. These both aspects combine together to allow the resultant analysis of the regulatory policies and their developments. This EPR tests the already existing economic incentives in a system. These regulations must amend the structures in a way that favors the main player of that system to achieve the set goals. The recycling process must be in control according to the regulatory policies. Drafting of the regulations ask all the participants to shape it in a style to get maximum benefits from the reuse and avoid the hazardous affects of the toxic materials. It is essential for the EPR that it is defined in a way to establish an effective management framework in that particular region. In this paper we have focused on the possible consequences that may arise due to E-waste materials. What amount of electronic produc ts is produced in many developed countries of the world? It has provided us to find the facts behind the E-waste material. The recycling and reuse of the E-waste is briefly discussed in this paper. EPR makes its lot of contribution in our whole studies. It has given the answers of our basic questions concerning to its impacts on economy and environments. Environmental regulations are the driving force in Europe as estimated in survey conducted to bring the green technology changes.

Use of Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory to Evaluate Post Tra

Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) frequently headlines newspapers and newscasts across America. Veterans fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan return to a life they left but inside they are tormented with flashbacks, nightmares, anxiety, anger, and depression. Many people suffer from PTSD after experiencing traumatic events in his or her life. Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI-2) is chosen for the basis of this assignment to evaluate someone who exhibits symptoms of PTSD. Sometimes the symptoms of PTSD are exaggerated or faked. The basic characteristics and the purpose of this tool will be discussed as well as how the tool is used. An analysis of the MMPI-2 will reveal the relationship between MMPI-2 and a major theory of personality. After identifying the psychometric properties for PTSD populations, the question of the adequacy of MMPI-2 will be answered by reviewing literature. Last ethical considerations will be analyzed. Selection of instrument, characteristics, uses and purposes PTSD is a type of anxiety disorder resulting from experiencing a traumatic event in life. The person will relive or re-experience the event through flashbacks, nightmares and fear-evoking memories. Some report being hyperaware or constantly aroused, expecting the event to happen again. Soldiers comment on falling to the ground at a loud bang, constantly surveying the area around them, having an exaggerated startle response. Many do not talk about his or her experience; have sleep problems, anger issues, and trouble concentrating. Abuse of alcohol and drugs is common to try to deal with the anguish inside (PTSD Support Services, 2010). The MMPI-2 consists of 567 true and false questions taking 60 to 90 minutes to complete. A shor... ...ive for posttraumatic stress disorder and mild traumatic brain injury. Psychological Assessment, 23(1), 203-214. doi:10.1037/a0021339 Garcia, H. A., Kelley, L. P., Rentz, T. O., & Lee, S. (2011). Pretreatment predictors of dropout from cognitive behavioral therapy for PTSD in Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans. Psychological Services, 8(1), 1-11. doi:10.1037/a0022705 Efendov, A. A., Sellbom, M., & Bagby, R. (2008). The utility and comparative incremental validity of the MMPI-2 and Trauma symptom Inventory validity scales in the detection of feigned PTSD. Psychological Assessment, 20(4), 317-326. doi:10.1037/a0013870 Tolin, D. F., Steenkamp, M. M., Marx, B. P., & Litz, B. T. (2010). Detecting symptom exaggeration in combat veterans using the MMPI–2 symptom validity scales: A mixed group validation. Psychological Assessment, 22(4), 729-736. doi:10.1037/a0020973

Voice Over Internet Protocol Essay -- essays research papers

Voice Over Internet Protocol(Voip) VOICE OVER INTERNET PROTOCOL (VoIP) INTRODUCTION: In the eyes of most, all packets are created equal. One of the most active areas of telecommunications today is in the area of Voice over Internet Protocol (VoIP). The logic behind this trend makes perfect sense. If we have invested heavily in an Internet Protocol (IP) network, why can’t we make full use of it? This is a question posed by many managers and Information Technology (IT) professionals in a wide range of businesses. Many businesses would prefer to have one network in and out of their business for reasons ranging from cost effectiveness to manageability. IP telephony offers a promise of consolidation. This will allow an enterprise to converge its traditional phone system and newer data network for greater efficiency. Arieh Dranger, president of neXTel Systems LLC says, â€Å"I don’t think it’s a question of whether we need VoIP, but when it will come together, because it represents a natural progress o f integrating data—period. The IP protocol is probably the most efficient at combining a universal communications network.† Basically, IP telephony is taking the telecom world by storm. It has evolved from a little known and used application in 1995 to an application that is poised for global adoption. But as with all technology, there is a price to be paid, and several entities vying for a piece of the pie. WHAT IS VoIP and HOW DOES IT WORK? To put it simply, VoIP means Voice over Internet Protocol. It’s a technology that allows network managers to route phone call over the network they use for data transmission. A voice travels over a corporate Intranet or the Internet instead of the public telephone system. Special gateways installed at both the sending and receiving end of a communications channel converts voice to IP packets and back again to voice. This process must take place in a time frame of less than 100 milliseconds to sustain the Quality of Service ( QoS) that users are accustomed to from the Public Switched Telephone Network (PSTN). Now let’s take a walk on the more detailed side of what VoIP is and how it works. First and foremost, VoIP is an emerging technology still in the early stages. A personal computer (PC) must capture an analog voice and convert it to a digital signal, compress the audio with a compression-decompression (codec) device and then move... ...the Internet. The players are as equally far flung, from the traditional cornerstones of the Plain Old Telephone System (POTS) to the new generation startups, to the steps of local, state, and federal governmental agencies. Such dynamism makes it difficult for IT managers to filter the flood of information and assess how VoIP might fit into their networks. Unless PSTN undergoes some massive restructuring, its long-term existence in its current form is in serious doubt. Emerging Internet technologies will be the low cost solution for managers looking for mixed traffic connectivity. Only in the end, after all the smoke has cleared will we know which business models survived the shake down in this lucrative market. Other problems are bound to arise in the arenas of technology and regulation. At this point there is significant progress to be made in the area of VoIP to achieve the quality we enjoy today with the PSTN. The only sure thing from this technology or any other that will al ways be consistent, reliable and never become outdated is that the Government WILL find a way to ensure their revenue stream†¦ after all â€Å"There’s no such thing as a free lunch.† 6 pages Word Count: 2352

Bag of Bones CHAPTER NINE

At nine o'clock the following morning I filled a squeeze-bottle with grapefruit juice and set out for a good long walk south along The Street. The day was bright and already hot. It was also silent the kind of silence you experience only after a Saturday holiday, I think, one composed of equal parts holiness and hangover. I could see two or three fishermen parked far out on the lake, but not a single power boat burred, not a single gaggle of kids shouted and splashed. I passed half a dozen cottages on the slope above me, and although all of them were likely inhabited at this time of year, the only signs of life I saw were bathing suits hung over the deck rail at the Passendales' and a half-deflated fluorescent-green seahorse on the Batchelders' stub of a dock. But did the Passendales' little gray cottage still belong to the Passendales? Did the Batchelders' amusing circular summer-camp with its Cinerama picture-window pointing at the lake and the mountains beyond still belong to the Batchelders? No way of telling, of course. Four years can bring a lot of changes. I walked and made no effort to think an old trick from my writing days. Work your body, rest your mind, let the boys in the basement do their jobs. I made my way past camps where Jo and I had once had drinks and barbecues and attended the occasional card-party, I soaked up the silence like a sponge, I drank my juice, I armed sweat off my forehead, and I waited to see what thoughts might come. The first was an odd realization: that the crying child in the night seemed somehow more real than the call from Max Devore. Had I actually been phoned by a rich and obviously bad-tempered techno-mogul on my first full evening back on the TR? Had said mogul actually called me a liar at one point? (I was, considering the tale I had told, but that was beside the point.) I knew it had happened, but it was actually easier to believe in The Ghost of Dark Score Lake, known around some campfires as The Mysterious Crying Kiddie. My next thought this was just before I finished my juice was that I should call Mattie Devore and tell her what had happened. I decided it was a natural impulse but probably a bad idea. I was too old to believe in such simplicities as The Damsel in Distress Versus The Wicked Stepfather . . . or, in this case, Father-in-Law. I had my own fish to fry this summer, and I didn't want to complicate my job by getting into a potentially ugly dispute between Mr. Computer and Ms. Doublewide. Devore had rubbed my fur the wrong way and vigorously but that probably wasn't personal, only something he did as a matter of course. Hey, some guys snap bra-straps. Did I want to get in his face on this? No. I did not. I had saved Little Miss Red Sox, I had gotten myself an inadvertent feel of Mom's small but pleasantly firm breast, I had learned that Kyra was Greek for ladylike. Any more than that would be gluttony, by God. I stopped at that point, feet as well as brain, realizing I'd walked all the way to Warrington's, a vast barnboard structure which locals sometimes called the country club. It was, sort of there was a six-hole golf course, a stable and riding trails, a restaurant, a bar, and lodging for perhaps three dozen in the main building and the eight or nine satellite cabins. There was even a two-lane bowling alley, although you and your competition had to take turns setting up the pins. Warrington's had been built around the beginning of World War I. That made it younger than Sara Laughs, but not by much. A long dock led out to a smaller building called The Sunset Bar. It was there that Warrington's summer guests would gather for drinks at the end of the day (and some for Bloody Marys at the beginning). And when I glanced out that way, I realized I was no longer alone. There was a woman standing on the porch to the left of the floating bar's door, watching me. She gave me a pretty good jump. My nerves weren't in their best condition right then, and that probably had something to do with it . . . but I think she would have given me a jump in any case. Part of it was her stillness. Part was her extraordinary thinness. Most of it was her face. Have you ever seen that Edvard Munch drawing, The Cry? Well, if you imagine that screaming face at rest, mouth closed and eyes watchful, you'll have a pretty good image of the woman standing at the end of the dock with one long-fingered hand resting on the rail. Although I must tell you that my first thought was not Edvard Munch but Mrs. Danvers. She looked about seventy and was wearing black shorts over a black tank bathing suit. The combination looked strangely formal, a variation on the ever-popular little black cocktail dress. Her skin was cream-white, except above her nearly flat bosom and along her bony shoulders. There it swam with large brown age-spots. Her face was a wedge featuring prominent skull-like cheekbones and an unlined lamp of brow. Beneath that bulge, her eyes were lost in sockets of shadow. White hair hung scant and lank around her ears and down to the prominent shelf of her jaw. God, she's thin, I thought. She's nothing but a bag of A shudder twisted through me at that. It was a strong one, as if someone were spinning a wire in my flesh. I didn't want her to notice it what a way to start a summer day, by revolting a guy so badly that he stood there shaking and grimacing in front of you so I raised my hand and waved. I tried to smile, as well. Hello there, lady standing out by the floating bar. Hello there, you old bag of bones, you scared the living shit out of me but it doesn't take much these days and I forgive you. How the fuck ya doin? I wondered if my smile looked as much like a grimace to her as it felt to me. She didn't wave back. Feeling quite a bit like a fool THERE'S NO VILLAGE IDIOT HERE, WE ALL TAKE TURNS I ended my wave in a kind of half-assed salute and headed back the way I'd come. Five steps and I had to look over my shoulder; the sensation of her watching me was so strong it was like a hand pressing between my shoulderblades. The dock where she'd been was completely deserted. I squinted my eyes, at first sure she must have just retreated deeper into the shadow thrown by the little boozehaus, but she was gone. As if she had been a ghost herself. She stepped into the bar, hon, Jo said. You know that, don't you? I mean . . . you do know it, right? ‘Right, right,' I murmured, setting off north along The Street toward home. ‘Of course I do. Where else?' Except it didn't seem to me that there had been time; it didn't seem to me that she could have stepped in, even in her bare feet, without me hearing her. Not on such a quiet morning. Jo again: Perhaps she's stealthy. ‘Yes,' I murmured. I did a lot of talking out loud before that summer was over. ‘Yes, perhaps she is. Perhaps she's stealthy.' Sure. Like Mrs. Danvers. I stopped again and looked back, but the right-of-way path had followed the lake around a little bit of curve, and I could no longer see either Warrington's or The Sunset Bar. And really, I thought, that was just as well. On my way back, I tried to list the oddities which had preceded and then surrounded my return to Sara Laughs: the repeating dreams; the sunflowers; the radio-station sticker; the weeping in the night. I supposed that my encounter with Mattie and Kyra, plus the follow-up phone-call from Mr. Pixel Easel, also qualified as passing strange . . . but not in the same way as a child you heard sobbing in the night. And what about the fact that we had been in Derry instead of on Dark Score when Johanna died? Did that qualify for the list? I didn't know. I couldn't even remember why that was. In the fall and winter of 1993 I'd been fiddling with a screenplay for The Red-Shirt Man. In February of '94 I got going on All the Way from the Top, and that absorbed most of my attention. Besides, deciding to go west to the TR, west to Sara . . . ‘That was Jo's job,' I told the day, and as soon as I heard the words I understood how true they were. We'd both loved the old girl, but saying ‘Hey Irish, let's get our asses over to the TR for a few days' had been Jo's job. She might say it any time . . . except in the year before her death she hadn't said it once. And I had never thought to say it for her. Had somehow forgotten all about Sara Laughs, it seemed, even when summer came around. Was it possible to be that absorbed in a writing project? It didn't seem likely . . . but what other explanation was there? Something was very wrong with this picture, but I didn't know what it was. Not from nothin. That made me think of Sara Tidwell, and the lyrics to one of her songs. She had never been recorded, but I owned the Blind Lemon Jefferson version of this particular tune. One verse went: It ain't nuthin but a barn-dance sugar It ain't nuthin but a round-and-round Let me kiss you on your sweet lips sugar You the good thing that I found. I loved that song, and had always wondered how it would have sounded coming out of a woman's mouth instead of from that whiskey-voiced old troubadour. Out of Sara Tidwell's mouth. I bet she sang sweet. And boy, I bet she could swing it. I had gotten back to my own place again. I looked around, saw no one in the immediate vicinity (although I could now hear the day's first ski-boat burring away downwater), stripped to my underpants, and swam out to the float. I didn't climb it, only lay beside it holding onto the ladder with one hand and lazily kicking my feet. It was nice enough, but what was I going to do with the rest of the day? I decided to spend it cleaning my work area on the second floor. When that was done, maybe I'd go out and look around in Jo's studio. If I didn't lose my courage, that was. I swam back, kicking easily along, raising my head in and out of water which flowed along my body like cool silk. I felt like an otter. I was most of the way to the shore when I raised my dripping face and saw a woman standing on The Street, watching me. She was as thin as the one I'd seen down at Warrington's . . . but this one was green. Green and pointing north along the path like a dryad in some old legend. I gasped, swallowed water, coughed it back out. I stood up in chest-deep water and wiped my streaming eyes. Then I laughed (albeit a little doubtfully). The woman was green because she was a birch growing a little to the north of where my set of railroad-tie steps ended at The Street. And even with my eyes clear of water, there was something creepy about how the leaves around the ivory-streaked-with-black trunk almost made a peering face. The air was perfectly still and so the face was perfectly still (as still as the face of the woman in the black shorts and bathing suit had been), but on a breezy day it would seem to smile or frown . . . or perhaps to laugh. Behind it there grew a sickly pine. One bare branch jutted off to the north. It was this I had mistaken for a skinny arm and a bony, pointing hand. It wasn't the first time I'd spooked myself like that. I see things, that's all. Write enough stories and every shadow on the floor looks like a footprint, every line in the dirt like a secret message. Which did not, of course, ease the task of deciding what was really peculiar at Sara Laughs and what was peculiar only because my mind was peculiar. I glanced around, saw I still had this part of the lake to myself (although not for much longer; the bee-buzz of the first power boat had been joined by a second and third), and stripped off my soggy underpants. I wrung them out, put them on top of my shorts and tee-shirt, and walked naked up the railroad-tie steps with my clothes held against my chest. I pretended I was Bunter, bringing breakfast and the morning paper to Lord Peter Wimsey. By the time I got back inside the house I was grinning like a fool. The second floor was stifling in spite of the open windows, and I saw why as soon as I got to the top of the stairs. Jo and I had shared space up here, she on the left (only a little room, really just a cubby, which was all she needed with the studio north of the house), me on the right. At the far end of the hall was the grilled snout of the monster air-conditioning unit we'd bought the year after we bought the lodge. Looking at it, I realized I had missed its characteristic hum without even being aware of it. There was a sign taped to it which said, Mr. Noonan: Broken. Blows hot air when you turn it on & sounds full of broken glass. Dean says the part it needs is promised from Western Auto in Castle Rock. I'll believe it when I see it. B. Meserve. I grinned at that last -it was Mrs. M. right down to the ground and then I tried the switch. Machinery often responds favorably when it senses a penis-equipped human in the vicinity, Jo used to claim, but not this time. I listened to the air conditioner grind for five seconds or so, then snapped it off. ‘Damn thing shit the bed,' as TR folks like to say. And until it was fixed, I wouldn't even be doing crossword puzzles up here. I looked in my office just the same, as curious about what I might feel as about what I might find. The answer was next to nothing. There was the desk where I had finished The Red-Shirt Man, thus proving to myself that the first time wasn't a fluke; there was the photo of Richard Nixon, arms raised, flashing the double V-for-Victory sign, with the caption WOULD YOU BUY A USED CAR FROM THIS MAN? running beneath; there was the rag rug Jo had hooked for me a winter or two before she had discovered the wonderful world of afghans and pretty much gave up hooking. It wasn't quite the office of a stranger, but every item (most of all, the weirdly empty surface of the desk) said that it was the work-space of an earlier-generation Mike Noonan. Men's lives, I had read once, are usually defined by two primary forces: work and marriage. In my life the marriage was over and the career on what appeared to be permanent hiatus. Given that, it didn't seem strange to me that now the space where I'd spent so many days, usually in a state of real happiness as I made up various imaginary lives, seemed to mean nothing. It was like looking at the office of an employee who had been fired . . . or who had died suddenly. I started to leave, then had an idea. The filing cabinet in the corner was crammed with papers bank statements (most eight or ten years out of date), correspondence (mostly never answered), a few story fragments-but I didn't find what I was looking for. I moved on to the closet, where the temperature had to be at least a hundred and ten degrees, and in a cardboard box which Mrs. M. had marked GADGETS, I unearthed it a Sanyo Memo-Scriber Debra Weinstock gave me at the conclusion of our work on the first of the Putnam books. It could be set to turn itself on when you started to talk; it dropped into its PAUSE mode when you stopped to think. I never asked Debra if the thing just caught her eye and she thought, ‘Why, I'll bet any self-respecting popular novelist would enjoy owning one of these babies,' or if it was something a little more specific . . . some sort of hint, perhaps? Verbalize those little faxes from your subconscious while they're still fresh, Noonan? I hadn't known then and didn't now. But I had it, a genuine pro-quality dictating-machine, and there were at least a dozen cassette tapes in my car, home dubs I'd made to listen to while driving. I would insert one in the Memo-Scriber tonight, slide the volume control as high as it would go, and put the machine in its DICTATE mode. Then, if the noise I'd heard at least twice now repeated itself, I would have it on tape. I could play it for Bill Dean and ask him what he thought it was. What if I hear the sobbing child tonight and the machine never kicks on? ‘Well then, I'll know something else,' I told the empty, sunlit office. I was standing there in the doorway with the Memo-Scriber under my arm, looking at the empty desk and sweating like a pig. ‘Or at least suspect it.' Jo's nook across the hall made my office seem crowded and homey by comparison. Never overfull, it was now nothing but a square room-shaped space. The rug was gone, her photos were gone, even the desk was gone. This looked like a do-it-yourself project which had been abandoned after ninety percent of the work had been done. Jo had been scrubbed out of it scraped out of it and I felt a moment's unreasonable anger at Brenda Meserve. I thought of what my mother usually said when I'd done something on my own initiative of which she disapproved: ‘You took a little too much on y'self, didn't you?' That was my feeling about Jo's little bit of office: that in emptying it to the walls this way, Mrs. Meserve had taken a little too much on herself. Maybe it wasn't Mrs. M. who cleaned it out, the UFO voice said. Maybe Jo did it herself. Ever think of that, sport? ‘That's stupid,' I said. ‘Why would she? I hardly think she had a premonition of her own death. Considering she'd just bought ‘ But I didn't want to say it. Not out loud. It seemed like a bad idea somehow. I turned to leave the room, and a sudden sigh of cool air, amazing in that heat, rushed past the sides of my face. Not my body; just my face. It was the most extraordinary sensation, like hands patting briefly but gently at my cheeks and forehead. At the same time there was a sighing in my ears . . . except that's not quite right. It was a susurrus that went past my ears, like a whispered message spoken in a hurry. I turned, expecting to see the curtains over the room's window in motion . . . but they hung perfectly straight. ‘Jo?' I said, and hearing her name made me shiver so violently that I almost dropped the Memo-Scriber. ‘Jo, was that you?' Nothing. No phantom hands patting my skin, no motion from the curtains . . . which there certainly would have been if there had been an actual draft. All was quiet. There was only a tall man with a sweaty face and a tape-recorder under his arm standing in the doorway of a bare room . . . but that was when I first began to really believe that I wasn't alone in Sara Laughs. So what? I asked myself. Even if it should be true, so what? Ghosts can't hurt anyone. That's what I thought then. When I visited Jo's studio (her air-conditioned studio) after lunch, I felt quite a lot better about Brenda Meserve she hadn't taken too much on herself after all. The few items I especially remembered from Jo's little office the framed square of her first afghan, the green rag rug, her framed poster depicting the wildflowers of Maine had been put out here, along with almost everything else I remembered. It was as if Mrs. M. had sent a message I can't ease your pain or shorten your sadness, and I can't prevent the wounds that coming back here may re-open, but I can put all the stuff that may hurt you in one place, so you won't be stumbling over it unexpected or unprepared. I can do that much. Out here were no bare walls; out here the walls jostled with my wife's spirit and creativity. There were knitted things (some serious, many whimsical), batik squares, rag dolls popping out of what she called ‘my baby collages,' an abstract desert painting made from strips of yellow, black, and orange silk, her flower photographs, even, on top of her bookshelf, what appeared to be a construction-in-progress, a head of Sara Laughs herself. It was made out of toothpicks and lollipop sticks. In one corner was her little loom and a wooden cabinet with a sign reading JO'S KNITTING STUFF! NO TRESPASSING! hung over the pull-knob. In another was the banjo she had tried to learn and then given up on, saying it hurt her fingers too much. In a third was a kayak paddle and a pair of Rollerblades with scuffed toes and little purple pompoms on the tips of the laces. The thing which caught and held my eye was sitting on the old roll-top desk in the center of the room. During the many good summers, falls, and winter weekends we had spent here, that desktop would have been littered with spools of thread, skeins of yarn, pincushions, sketches, maybe a book about the Spanish Civil War or famous American dogs. Johanna could be aggravating, at least to me, because she imposed no real system or order on what she did. She could also be daunting, even overwhelming at times. She was a brilliant scatterbrain, and her desk had always reflected that. But not now. It was possible to think that Mrs. M. had cleared the litter from the top of it and plunked down what was now there, but impossible to believe. Why would she? It made no sense. The object was covered with a gray plastic hood. I reached out to touch it, and my hand faltered an inch or two short as a memory of an old dream (give me that it's my dust-catcher) slipped across my mind much as that queer draft ad slipped across my face. Then it was gone, and I pulled the plastic, over off. Underneath it was my old green IBM Selectric, which I hadn't seen or thought of in years. I leaned closer, knowing that the typewriter ball would be Courier my old favorite even before I saw it. What in God's name was my old typewriter doing out here? Johanna painted (although not very well), she took photographs (very good ones indeed) and sometimes sold them, she knitted, she crocheted, she wove and dyed cloth, she could play eight or ten basic chords on the guitar. She could write, of course; most English majors can, which is why they become English majors. Did she demonstrate any blazing degree of literary creativity? No. After a few experiments with poetry as an undergrad, she gave up that particular branch of the arts as a bad job. You write for both of us, Mike, she had said once. That's all yours; I'll just take a little taste of everything else. Given the quality of her poems as opposed to the quality of her silks, photographs, and knitted art, I thought that was probably wise. But here was my old IBM. Why? ‘Letters,' I said. ‘She found it down cellar or something, and rescued it to write letters on.' Except that wasn't Jo. She showed me most of her letters, often urging me to write little postscripts of my own, guilt-tripping me with that old saying about how the shoemaker's kids always go barefoot (‘and the writer's friends would never hear from him if it weren't for Alexander Graham Bell,' she was apt to add). I hadn't seen a typed personal letter from my wife in all the time we'd been married if nothing else, she would have considered it shitty etiquette. She could type, producing mistake-free business letters slowly yet methodically, but she always used my desktop computer or her own Powerbook for those chores. ‘What were you up to, hon?' I asked, then began to investigate her desk drawers. Brenda Meserve had made an effort with these, but Jo's fundamental nature had defeated her. Surface order (spools of thread segregated by color, for instance) quickly gave way to Jo's old dear jumble. I found enough of her in those drawers to hurt my heart with a hundred unexpected memories, but I found no paperwork which had been typed on my old IBM, with or without the Courier ball. Not so much as a single page. When I was finished with my hunt, I leaned back in my chair (her chair) and looked at the little framed photo on her desk, one I couldn't remember ever having seen before. Jo had most likely printed it herself (the original might have come out of some local's attic) and then hand-tinted the result. The final product looked like a wanted poster colorized by Ted Turner. I picked it up and ran the ball of my thumb over the glass facing, bemused. Sara Tidwell, the turn-of-the-century blues shouter whose last known port of call had been right here in TR-90. When she and her folks some of them friends, most of them relatives had left the TR, they had gone on to Castle Rock for a little while . . . then had simply disappeared, like a cloud over the horizon or mist on a summer morning. She was smiling just a little in the picture, but the smile was hard to read. Her eyes were half-closed. The string of her guitar not a strap but a string was visible over one shoulder. In the background I could see a black man wearing a derby at a killer angle (one thing about musicians: they really know how to wear hats) and standing beside what appeared to be a washtub bass. Jo had tinted Sara's skin to a caf? ¦-au-lait shade, maybe based on other pictures she'd seen (there are quite a few knocking around, most showing Sara with her head thrown back and her hair hanging almost to her waist as she bellows out her famous carefree yell of a laugh), although none would have been in color. Not at the turn of the century. Sara Tidwell hadn't just left her mark in old photographs, either. I recalled Dickie Brooks, owner of the All-Purpose Garage, once telling me that his father claimed to have won a teddybear at the Castle County Fair's shooting-pitch, and to have given it to Sara Tidwell. She had rewarded him, Dickie said, with a kiss. According to Dickie the old man never forgot it, said it was the best kiss of his life . . . although I doubt if he said it in his wife's hearing. In this photo she was only smiling. Sara Tidwell, known as Sara Laughs. Never recorded, but her songs had lived just the same. One of them, ‘Walk Me Baby,' bears a remarkable resemblance to ‘Walk This Way,' by Aerosmith. Today the lady would be known as an African-American. In 1984, when Johanna and I bought the lodge and consequently got interested in her, she would have been known as a Black. In her own time she would have been called a Negress or a darkie or possibly an octoroon. And a nigger, of course. There would have been plenty of folks free with that one. And did I believe that she had kissed Dickie Brooks's father a white man in front of half of Castle County? No, I did not. Still, who could say for sure? No one. That was the entrancing thing about the past. ‘It ain't nuthin but a barn-dance sugar,' I sang, putting the picture back on the desk. ‘It ain't nuthin but a round-and-round.' I picked up the typewriter cover, then decided to leave it off. As I stood, my eyes went back to Sara, standing there with her eyes closed and the string which served her as a guitar strap visible over one shoulder. Something in her face and smile had always struck me as familiar, and suddenly it came to me. She looked oddly like Robert Johnson, whose primitive licks hid behind the chords of almost every Led Zeppelin and Yardbirds song ever recorded. Who, according to the legend, had gone down to the crossroads and sold his soul to Satan for seven years of fast living, high-tension liquor, and streetlife babies. And for a jukejoint brand of immortality, of course. Which he had gotten. Robert Johnson, supposedly poisoned over a woman. In the late afternoon I went down to the store and saw a good-looking piece of flounder in the cold-case. It looked like supper to me. I bought a bottle of white wine to go with it, and while I was waiting my turn at the cash register, a trembling old man's voice spoke up behind me. ‘See you made a new friend yes'ty.' The Yankee accent was so thick that it sounded almost like a joke . . . except the accent itself is only part of it; mostly, I've come to believe, it's that singsong tone real Mainers all sound like auctioneers. I turned and saw the geezer who had been standing out on the garage tarmac the day before, watching along with Dickie Brooks as I got to know Kyra, Mattie, and Scoutie. He still had the gold-headed cane, and I now recognized it. Sometime in the 1950s, the Boston Post had donated one of those canes to every county in the New England states. They were given to the oldest residents and passed along from old fart to old fart. And the joke of it was that the Post had gone toes-up years ago. ‘Actually two new friends,' I replied, trying to dredge up his name. I couldn't, but I remembered him from when Jo had been alive, holding down one of the overstuffed chairs in Dickie's waiting room, discussing weather and politics, politics and weather, as the hammers whanged and the air-compressor chugged. A regular. And if something happened out there on Highway 68, eye-God, he was there to see it. ‘I hear Mattie Devore can be quite a dear,' he said heah, Devoah, deeah and one of his crusty eyelids drooped. I have seen a fair number of salacious winks in my time, but none that was a patch on the one tipped me by that old man with the gold-headed cane. I felt a strong urge to knock his waxy beak of a nose off. The sound of it parting company from his face would be like the crack of a dead branch broken over a bent knee. ‘Do you hear a lot, old-timer?' I asked. ‘Oh, ayuh!' he said. His lips dark as strips of liver parted in a grin. His gums swarmed with white patches. He had a couple of yellow teeth still planted in the top one, and a couple more on the bottom. ‘And she gut that little one cunnin, she is! Ayuh!' ‘Cunnin as a cat a-runnin,' I agreed. He blinked at me, a little surprised to hear such an old one out of my presumably newfangled mouth, and then that reprehensible grin widened. ‘Her don't mind her, though,' he said. ‘Baby gut the run of the place, don'tcha know.' I became aware better belated than never that half a dozen people were watching and listening to us. ‘That wasn't my impression,' I said, raising my voice a bit. ‘No, that wasn't my impression at all.' He only grinned . . . that old man's grin that says Oh, ayuh, deah; I know one worth two of that. I left the store feeling worried for Mattie Devore. Too many people were minding her business, it seemed to me. When I got home, I took my bottle of wine into the kitchen it could chill while I got the barbecue going out on the deck. I reached for the fridge door, then paused. Perhaps as many as four dozen little magnets had been scattered randomly across the front vegetables, fruits, plastic letters and numbers, even a good selection of the California Raisins but they weren't random anymore. Now they formed a circle on the front of the refrigerator. Someone had been in here. Someone had come in and . . . Rearranged the magnets on the fridge? If so, that was a burglar who needed to do some heavy remedial work. I touched one of them gingerly, with just the tip of my finger. Then, suddenly angry with myself, I reached out and spread them again, doing it with enough force to knock a couple to the floor. I didn't pick them up. That night, before going to bed, I placed the Memo-Scriber on the table beneath Bunter the Great Stuffed Moose, turning it on and putting it in the DICTATE mode. Then I slipped in one of my old home-dubbed cassettes, zeroed the counter, and went to bed, where I slept without dreams or other interruption for eight hours. The next morning, Monday, was the sort of day the tourists come to Maine for the air so sunny-clean that the hills across the lake seemed to be under subtle magnification. Mount Washington, New England's highest, floated in the farthest distance. I put on the coffee, then went into the living room, whistling. All my imaginings of the last few days seemed silly this morning. Then the whistle died away. The Memo-Scriber's counter, set to 000 when I went to bed, was now at 012. I rewound it, hesitated with my finger over the PLAY button, told myself (in Jo's voice) not to be a fool, and pushed it. ‘Oh Mike,' a voice whispered mourned, almost-on the tape, and I found myself having to press the heel of one hand to my mouth to hold back a scream. It was what I had heard in Jo's office when the draft rushed past the sides of my face . . . only now the words were slowed down just enough for me to understand them. ‘Oh Mike,' it said again. There was a faint click. The machine had shut down for some length of time. And then, once more, spoken in the living room as I had slept in the north wing: ‘Oh Mike.' Then it was gone.